By Carole H. Dagher
Lebanon is greater than a rustic, it's a message': those phrases of Pope John Paul II illustrate Lebanon's post-war recreation to maintain its age-old Christian-Muslim coexistence and power-sharing formulation and to invalidate Samuel Huntington's assumption of a 'Clash of Civilizations.' Lebanon's present problem can also be the problem of an entire quarter, the center East, the place the destiny of minorities, together with jap Christians, unearths the clients of democracy, pluralism and political participation. Carole H. Dagher, a journalist for Lebanese media in addition to an instructional, provides an insightful account on how Christian and Muslim groups emerged from the 16 year-old Lebanese battle, what their issues of friction and their universal grounds are, and what the customers of Lebanon's communal illustration process and pluralistic society are. She describes the critical function performed by means of the Holy See and John Paul II in bridging the space among Christians and Muslims in Lebanon, and analyzes the impression different nations reminiscent of Syria, Iran and Saudi Arabia have had at the energy video game and, conversely, the influence of Christian-Muslim interplay at the way forward for the Arab-Israeli peace technique. carry Down the partitions attracts the most important classes from the hot heritage of Christian-Muslim family in Lebanon.
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Additional info for Bring Down the Walls: Lebanon’s Postwar Challenge
Schools were built, subsidies provided, social and religious foundations established under the Jesuits’ auspices. Thanks to the contribution of the Catholic missions in the Levant (the Jesuits in particular but also Franciscans, Capuchins, Carmelites, Dominicans, and Lazarists) and later, in the nineteenth century, of the Protestant missions (whose main contribution was the foundation of the American University of Beirut, the former Syrian Protestant College), the Eastern Christians, especially the Maronites, operated a formidable intellectual leap.
People flock to his door, he rarely knocks on other doors. And yet, both Shamseddine and Fadlallah have ultimately referred to Syria, particularly on things related to political and military issues, since their organizational constituency (“Amal” and “Hezbollah”) are involved in military resistance against the Israeli occupation in the South. Tainted by the hostage-taking terrorist activities it has been identified with by Western media during the war, the Hezbollah (which has constantly denied having led such activities) would change its image after the war.
The council, established by government decree in 1967, was originally led by the charismatic Imam Musa Sadr, elected in 1969 as its first president. ” In May 1994, Sheikh Mohammed Mehdi Shamseddine, who had functioned as deputy president of the council, was elected president. In that capacity, Shamseddine is the official head of the Shi‘a community. With the rise of Hezbollah, the council’s authority has been frequently challenged. In areas controlled by Hezbollah such as the Biqaa Valley and Beirut’s southern suburbs, many of the council’s spiritual, philanthropic, and legal functions are challenged by rival sheikhs who embrace radical doctrines and interpretations.